corenlp-python / sample_raw_text / new_sample.txt

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871
Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, fol-
 lowing the conclusion of morning busi-
 ness at 3:30 p.m., I will seek unani-
 mous consent to proceed to the consid-
 eration of calendar item No. 427, that
 Is S. 1630, the clean air legislation.

       THE SENATE AGENDA
   Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, we
 begin this session with the Clean Air
 Act. This is critical legislation. It has
 been over 12 years since the Clean Air
 Act was last debated in the Senate.
 Since then, our population has grown,
 automobile use Increased, and the
 economy expanded, with the accompa-
 nying increases in production facili-
 ties, energy use, congestion, and inevi-
 tably, pollution.
   These factors have overwhelmed our
 efforts to improve air quality In the
 places where the majority of Ameri-
 cans live and work.
   Today, more than half the American
 people are forced to breathe air that
 does not meet national health stand-
 ards.
   This will be a substantive debate
 and, on some issues, a controversial
 one. Air quality issues vary by region.
 Some   regions are at significantly
 greater risk from the effects of acid
 rain; some rural areas do not suffer as
 much from ozone as cities; congested
 urban areas are seeing a further degra-
 dation in air quality.
   I welcome the President's strong call
 for action on a Clean Air Act. I com-
 mend him for it. It is my intention
 that the Senate give him a strong
 Clean Air Act.
   There are many aspects to this issue.
 One overrides all others. We must pro-
 tect the health of Americans.
   We will, as we should, debate the
 costs of this bill. In that regard, I em-
 phasize two points.
   First, if measured solely in dollars
 and cents, this bill should pass because
 the cost of inaction is higher than the
 cost of action.
   It costs the United States more in
 health care and lost productivity than
 it would to clean up air pollution. This


 0 This "bullet" symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by a Member of the Senate on the floor.

 


 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE


 bill will save the American people
 money.
   Second, the bill ought not be meas-
 ured solely in dollars and cents. That
 would exclude consideration of the
 most important of our values-human
 values.
   The evidence is clear, compelling
 and undisputed that air pollution
 causes thousands of premature deaths
 and millions of illnesses each year. Es-
 pecially vulnerable are children.
   I ask each Senator, what Is the
 dollar value of a human life? What is
 the dollar value of a child's health?
 Your child's health? Obviously, these
 are unanswerable questions. But just
 because we can't put a dollar value on
 a child's health doesn't mean we
 should exclude the health of Ameri-
 can children from this debate. To the
 contrary, it is and should be central to
 this debate.
   We should get in perspective and
 keep in perspective the fact that we
 are considering a health bill. Its pur-
 pose is basic: To make the air we must
 all breathe fit for human lungs.
   Beyond the Clean Air Act, this 2d
 session of the 101st Congress will be
 busy. We have unfinished business
 from the first session to complete, im-
 portant reauthorizations to write, a
 dramatically different world against
 which to weigh our Nation's security
 needs and priorities, as well as the re-
 quired  budget   and   appropriations
 measures for 1991.
   I hope conferees on the unfinished
 business of the first session, drug
 treatment legislation and oilspill liabil-
 ity, will act promptly. These are im-
 portant matters we should be able to
 finish swiftly.
   Tomorrow, the House will override
 the President's veto of legislation ex-
 tending the visa protections of Chi-
 nese students and exchange scholars.
 It is my intention to ask the Senate to
 move promptly to that proposal.
   I regret the President's veto of this
 bill. His claim that he is doing as much
 through a Presidential memorandum
 of disapproval as the bill would do
 through the law is unpersuasive.
   The President's memorandum of dis-
 approval is only an administrative
 action. It provides no statutory legal
 protection for the Chinese students. It
 can be revoked by the President or the
 Attorney General at their discretion.
   This administrative action could also
 be challenged because immigration
 law does not, in general, permit aliens
 to adjust their status if they apply to
 do so while they are technically in ille-
 gal status. It is an open question
 whether the administration has the
 authority to grant such a generalized
 waiver of a congressionally mandated
 stipulation. The best way to answer
 that question and to resolve all doubt
 is to do what Congress did last year:
 Change the law.


   That is why we must now override
 the veto.
   Equally important, the veto sends
 exactly the wrong signal.
   The President says he does not want
 to isolate the Government of China.
 Neither do I.
   But to the extent that it is isolated,
 the Government of China isolated
 itself. It isolated itself from its own
 people and from the community of na-
 tions by murdering its own citizens, by
 denying to those citizens even the
 most basic of human rights. Our re-
 sponse to the urgent and well-founded
 fears of the Chinese students in our
 country was not taken to isolate
 anyone: It was an appropriate Ameri-
 can response to the victims of murder
 by government.
   I hope my colleagues will repeat
 their unanimous approval of the bill
 last year with an equally strong vote
 to override the veto. It is the right
 thing to do.
   It is my intention to proceed to the
 crime legislation on or about February
 7, as provided in the agreement we
 reached last year.
   Senator BIDEN, the chairman of the
 Judiciary Committee, has proposed a
 vehicle which incorporates the three
 uncompleted    items  of  the  Bush
 agenda-another Federal death penal-
 ty, habeus corpus reform, and exclu-
 sionary rule changes-along with some
 important additional elements to curb
 drug money-laundering, the DeConcini
 assault weapons bill, language to curb
 the export of assault weapons to drug
 dealers in Latin America, as well as ad-
 ditional funding for law enforcement
 personnel and other matters.
   I know other Senators have propos-
 als in this field as well.
   The most effective direct assistance
 the Federal Government can provide
 to States for the purpose of curbing
 violent crime is additional resources
 for law enforcement, prosecution, and
 detention. We made a good start on fi-
 nancing that assistance last year. I
 hope the President's budget for 1991
 builds on that beginning.
   Following passage of clean air legis-
 lation, we will consider national serv-
 ice legislation.
   The national 3ervice concept seeks
 to reinstate at a national level the
 sense of community, participation, and
 self-help that are all part of the Amer-
 ican tradition.
   National service will give our young
 people an opportunity to use their
 energy and ideals to help the larger so-
 ciety. It can give an alternative to that
 half of our young people who do not
 go to college. It will give them a way
 to make a contribution and, at the
 same time, earn a stake in their own
 education or their first home.
   For the many young people who
 know that their desire to attend col-
 lege poses an enormous financial sacri-
 fice to their parents, national service


 can be a way to help themselves, by
 earning their tuition costs in advance
 of school, rather than graduating with
 an enormous debt load.
   Most important, national service will
 show young people in very direct and
 practical terms that their efforts, their
 talents and their ideals are valued by
 their society and needed by many mil-
 lions of their fellow citizens.
   The bill we will debate includes a
 voluntary service component, a conser-
 vation component, and a pilot program
 for the core idea of national service in
 exchange for education or home own-
 ership credits.
   It is my intention also to move
 promptly to address the Nation's key
 education needs.
   Our higher education system is
 among the finest in the world. But
 half our students do not go on to
 higher education. The education crisis
 is not at the college level; it is at the
 elementary   and   secondary   levels,
 where the basic foundations of liter-
 acy, mathematical skills, and learning
 skills are established.
   We will debate the Educational Ex-
 cellence Act, which contains the Presi-
 dent's proposals to give awards to
 schools and teachers for excellence,
 encourage Innovative teaching meth-
 ods, and reduce student loan defaults.
   I also want to consider the National
 Literacy Act, which is designed to
 eliminate illiteracy in this Nation by
 the year 2000. No single action is more
 critical to our future economic securi-
 ty. By the end of the century, ade-
 quate literacy will be an essential pre-
 condition to living in our society.
   Only 14 percent of the jobs available
 then will be adequately performed by
 high school graduates. Most Jobs will
 need higher skills. Brt 80 percent of
 new job seekers at that time will be
 minorities, immigrants, and women. If
 we have not substantially improved
 our literacy levels by that time, we
 risk seeing those jobs exported over-
 seas.
   For the last decade, we have read re-
 ports and analyses of the shortcom-
 ings in basic educational achievement
 in our country. It is time to act on
 what we know, both as to shortcom-
 ings and the best way to correct them.
   We know that a third of our math
 and science teachers today are un-
 qualified to teach in those subjects; we
 know we face a shortfall of teachers in
 the next decade that could reach 2
 million, we know American children
 score consistently lower on math and
 science tests than children from Asian
 and European countries. We know
 reading and writing skills need sub-
 stantial improvement.
   We also know that early interven-
 tion and focused resources help. We
 know that extra help to the disadvan-
 taged in elementary schools raises edu-
 cational achievement levels in high


 January 23, 1990

 


 January 23, 1990                   CO
 schools; we know     Head Start and
 other   enrichment programs      bring
 gains that continue through a child's
 school life.
   This year, it is time to put what we
 know Is needed together with what we
 know will make a difference, and get
 our school system back on track. After
 a decade of reports and rhetoric,
 Americans expect action and I think
 we should provide It.
   Americans also expect action on
 child care legislation. I hope the dif-
 ferences there can be worked out
 shortly so that a final form of this bill
 can be voted upon and sent to the
 President. Working parents need af-
 fordable care for their children but
 they also want quality care. The Con-
 gress should pass a bill to ensure both.
   Those   immediate    concerns-clean
 air, national service, crime legislation,
 and education reform measures-are a
 good start for our work this year. But
 they do not exhaust our agenda.
   One issue of particular importance
 to all of us is campaign finance
 reform.
   It is evident that if we do not reform
 the manner in which election cam-
 paigns are financed, we will forfeit the
 trust of the American people. The
 enormous costs of campaigning are
 making it more and more difficult for
 any other than the very wealthy to
 contemplate serving in the Congress.
 The demands of election campaigns
 force far too much attention to be
 paid to fundraising activities.
   The appearance is one that under-
 mines confidence in Congress. The re-
 ality is one that distorts Congress'
 ability to function.
   Campaign finance reform is a goal I
 have pursued for 8 years. I shall con-
 tinue to press for It, and I hope that
 this year we will finally see an oppor-
 tunity to take effective action.

     THE RETIREMENT OF MAX
               BARBER
   Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, I
 would like to take this opportunity to
 acknowledge the recent retirement of
 Max Barber, who served as superin-
 tendent of the Senate Radio-TV Gal-
 lery.
   Max has been a familiar face in the
 U.S. Capitol for 38 years. During those
 years, Max worked as an elevator oper-
 tor, served on the Capitol Police
 Force, and most recently was the su-
 perintendent of the Senate Radio-TV
 Gallery, where for 17 years he assisted
 our friends in the broadcast media.
   Max was privileged to witness many
 changes that have occurred in the
 Congress. I was privileged to have his
 support and assistance during my first
 year as majority leader.
   Shortly before the holidays, Max an-
 nounced his retirement. I understand
 that he and his wife, Sylvia, are now
 enjoying the sunny skies of Florida for


 NGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE


 the winter months. On behalf of all
 my colleagues in Congress, I wish Max
 and Sylvia a most happy and healthy
 retirement. He will be missed.
   I also want to take this opportunity
 to extend to his successor, Larry Jane-
 zich, the very best wishes in his new
 role. I know he is up to the task.

 AN ENVIRONMENTAL DIVIDEND:
   CAPITALIZING ON NEW OPPOR-
   TUNITIES FOR INTERNATION-
   AL ACTION
   Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, I
 ask unanimous consent that a speech
 given by the distinguished chairman
 of the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
 mittee, Senator CLAIBORNE PELL of
 Rhode Island, be inserted in the
 RECORD.
   The honorable chairman of the For-
 eign Relations Committee recently ad-
 dressed the Global Forum on Environ-
 ment and Development for Survival in
 Moscow. His remarks focus on the cat-
 astrophic threats to the world's envi-
 ronment-including     global   climate
 change, ozone depletion and a host of
 problems that require international
 cooperation.
   I would like to call this important
 speech to the attention of my col-
 leagues. Not only does it deal with one
 of the most significant problems of
 our times, it does so with eloquence
 and clarity. I hope other Senators will
 take the time to review Senator PELL'S
 statement.
   There being no objection, the re-
 marks werc ordered to be printed in
 the RECORD, as follows:
 AN ENVIRONMENTAL DIVIDEND: CAPITALIZING
   ON NEw OPPORTUNITIES FOR INTERNATIONAL
   AcTION
 (Remarks by Senator Claiborne Pell, Global
   Forum on Environment and Development,
   Moscow, U.S.S.R., January 17, 1990)
   We are gathered here at an extraordinary
 time in human history. In a matter of
 months a series of popular movements have
 transformed Europe. The Iron Curtain has
 ceased to be a barrier between East and
 West. A democratically elected government
 has taken power in Poland, and in the next
 few months free elcdtions will be held in
 East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria,
 Hungary, and Romania. In addition, the
 Soviet Union is well along on a path to free-
 dom, openness and democratic renewal.
   With the changes in Eastern Europe and
 the Soviet U nion, East and West will begin
 to share common values of a belief in indi-
 vidual rights and democratic institutions.
 The wave of democracy is also spreading to
 the developing world. With the recent elec-
 tions in Chile, every government in South
 America will be a democracy. Elsewhere In
 the just concluded decade, dictatorships in
 the Philippines and Pakistan have disap-
 peared and India's recent elections, the larg-
 est exercise of popular choice in human his-
 tory, reminds us of the appeal of democracy
 to even the world's poorest people. Of
 course, there are setbacks, as last June's
 events in Tiananmen Square remind us, and
 democracy can be fragile as witnessed by
 recent events in Manila. Of the overall


 trend, however, we can be optimistic: democ-
 racy Is indeed on the march.
   It is an interesting fact that modern histo-
 ry has never known a war between demo-
 cratic states. And, Indeed, the spread of de-
 mocracy and freedom across Europe has re-
 sulted In a dramatic reduction of tensions.
 In 1981, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists
 advanced the clock of global survival to
 three minutes before the midnight of nucle-
 ar Armageddon. Today with a treaty on In-
 termediate Nuclear Forces In place and
 agreements for drastic reductions in strate-
 gic and conventional forces in the offing, we
 can see the hands of that clock being set
 further back.
   We in the United States consider the Eu-
 ropean democracies to be our friends and
 allies. Looking ahead we might ask whether
 democratic nations in Eastern Europe and
 the Soviet Union might also be our friends
 and allies, and if so, for what threat do we
 need anything comparable to our existing
 level of armaments?
   A more peaceful world does not translate
 into a problem-free world. Indeed, as the
 threat of nuclear incineration recedes, we
 can see more clearly the danger posed by
 environmental degradation and global cli-
 mate change. As nuclear winter would sud-
 denly alter man's climate and prospects for
 survival, so might global warming albeit
 more gradually. If we do nothing we may be
 trading the risk of a flash fry for the cer-
 tainty of a slow roasting. In the end, howev-
 er, the results can be comparably cata-
 strophic.
   If a deteriorating environment is compara-
 ble in consequence, if not immediacy, to
 global war, then logically it requires a com-
 parable response. Put simply, we must be
 prepared to come forward with the re-
 sources to protect our environment. Today
 my country spends $295.6 billion on defense
 and $5.6 billion at the federal level, or about
 one-fifteenth as much, on protecting our en-
 vironment. It is not realistic to expect these
 proportions to be reversed, but they must be
 changed.
   The end of the Cold War is already lead-
 ing to cuts in military spending. This trend
 should be accelerated as we conclude agree-
 ments to reduce strategic and conventional
 arms. These will jave substantial money for
 both the countries of NATO and those
 linked to the Warsaw Pact. We have suc-
 cessfully met the challenge of the Cold War.
 The question now is how will we meet the
 challenge of peace?
   Here I would suggest that a meaningful
 percentage, perhaps 15 percent, of our pro-
 spective peace dividend be dedicated to the
 environment. And I would propose that the
 upcoming agreements on strategic and con-
 ventional forces explicitly earmark 15 per-
 cent of the resultant savings for additional
 environmental protection to be expended
 either within the country where the savings
 are made or internationally.
   Under the domestic law of the United
 States such funds would have to be appro-
 priated pursuant to our constitutional proc-
 esses. I am sure the same would be true for
 other countries that would participate in
 such an agreement. However, the inclusion
 of an environmental peace dividend in an
 arms control treaty will create an obligation
 and a goal for both West and East. It would
 also set an important precedent for future
 East-West agreements, one where we agree
 not only on measures to reduce the risk of
 mutual destruction but also on major meas-
 ures of mutual cooperation.

 


 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE


 January 23, 1990


   I would further propose that we direct the
 earmarked    environmental   expenditure
 largely to those problems which are interna-
 tional or global in nature. In Europe this
 would mean spending to clean up shared
 rivers, to prevent air pollution which in
 Europe has no boundaries, and to neutralize
 acid rain which is destroying the forests,
 lakes, and monuments of Europe.
   It is no secret that the countries of East-
 ern Europe have lagged far behind Western
 Europe In utilizing pollution control tech.
 nologies in their manufacturing and power
 generation processes. Partly this results
 from antiquated plants, partly from eco-
 nomic distress that necessitates use of pol-
 luting technologies and fuels, such as high
 sulfur coal, and partly it is the product of a
 political system in which the ruling elite
 was not responsive to the concerns of the
 population. Whatever the reason, however,
 the victims of East European pollution live
 in both the Eastern and Western wings of
 the common European home. Both wings
 will benefit from cleaning up the environ-
 ment. However, it follows that a very large
 part of the European generated component
 of my proposed environmental peace divi-
 dend should be channeled to Eastern
 Europe.
   In the case of the United States and
 Canada, our people will undoubtedly expect
 that the greater part of our peace dividend
 be spent in a manner that visibly benefits
 our own people. Thus, most of our two coun-
 tries' new    environmental   expenditure
 should occur on our North American conti-
 nent. This expenditure should nonetheless
 be made in a way that benefits the global
 environment. North Americans are both in
 the aggregate and on a per capita basis the
 biggest producers of the greenhouse gases,
 and In particular of carbon dioxide. Logical-
 ly, the effort to begin to control global
 warming must start In North America.
 Under my proposed scheme I would recom-
 mend that a great part of our environmen-
 tal dividend be used to develop energy con-
 servation technologies as well as alterna-
 tives to fossil fuels. As a bonus, this effort
 will help ameliorate the problem of acid
 rain, which has become a major bilateral
 issue in U.S.-Canada relations and has in-
 flicted damage on my home region of New
 England.
   At this time I cannot state the amount of
 new environmental expenditure to be gener-
 ated by my proposal. However, some project
 that the end of the Cold War might lead to
 a 50 percent reduction in U.S. defense
 spending by the end of this century. If 15
 percent of this saving went to the environ-
 mental peace dividend, the annual new envi-
 ronmental expenditure in the United States
 would equal $22 billion, or four times our
 present federal effort. Comparable sums
 should be generated by reductions in Euro-
 pean and Soviet defense expenditure. With
 this level of resource commitment we might
 truly begin to have an impact on the mam-
 moth environmental problems facing us.
   So far I have discussed how the peace divi-
   dend generated by the end of the Cold War
   might be used to enhance the environment
   of the Cold Warring nations, that Is, of
   Europe and North America. We live in a
   single global community. The Spring clean-
   ing made possible by the thaw In the Cold
   War will benefit not only our house but also
   our global community. However, we cannot
   be indifferent to an environmental deterio-
   ration in that part of the world which is nei-
   ther East nor West, that is, the Third
   World, the developing world which is home
   to 70 percent of the world's population.


   On an environmental level, we will accom-
 plish little if the savings in greenhouse
 gases made by conservation and new tech-
 nology use In the developed countries are
 offset by the ecologically unsound Industri-
 alization of the developing world and by the
 destruction of the tropical forests which are
 quite literally the lungs of our planet.
 Worse, environmental degradation in the
 third world is the product of, the compan-
 ion of, and the cause of increased poverty
 and human misery. This misery can only
 breed popular anger and governmental in-
 stability. It could harm the process of de-
 mocratization in the third world and lead to
 the emergence of aggressive regimes. It
 would be truly tragic if the end of the Cold
 War were followed by new wars in the devel-
 oping world or growing conflict along north-
 south, rich-poor lines.
   Given the consequences, our response to
 environmental deterioration in the third
 world is woefully inadequate. Until recently,
 the principal development banks and major
 donors did not include the environment as
 priority in the development process. Indeed,
 many donor-financed projects went forward
 without regard to the environmental conse-
 quences with sometimes disastrous conse-
 quences.
   It was only in 1972 that the international
 community established an organization spe-
 cifically concerned with the global environ-
 ment. That organization, the United Na-
 tions Environment Program, remains stun-
 ningly underfunded. In 1989 the UNEP
 budget was a mere $30 million, not even one
 percent of U.S. environmental expenditure
 at the federal level. In its 17 years UNEP
 has had an extraordinary catalytic role in
 developing international environmental law,
 in assisting developing countries build envi-
 ronmental institutions, and in enhancing an
 awareness of the close link between the en-
 vironment    and   development.   Among
 UNEP's recent achievements is the Montre-
 al Protocol on the ozone layer, the major
 international environmental agreement of
 the decade and the first serious effort to ad-
 dress the global warming problem. This
 alone would, In my view, justify the paltry
 sums our world community has expended on
 UNEP.
   I believe we should in this decade resolve
 to support a rapid increase in the size and
 scope of UNEP activities. I would urge a
 tenfold expansion in the UNEP budget over
 the next three years. This, of course, will re-
 quire leadership from the parliamentarians
 amongst us to Increase our own countries'
 contributions. However, even at the $300
 million level, UNEP would still be a modest
 sized U.N. agency, and the overall effort
 would be still small as compared to the envi-
 ronmental needs of the developing world or
 the scale of the global environmental prob-
 lem.
   As you will have noticed my remarks have
   focused heavily on the Issue of resources.
   After a decade of borrowing and spending, it
   has become fashionable in the United
 States to talk of actions that do not cost
 money. Given the economic crisis of the
 East, they too may be subject to the same
 tendency. And there is, of course, much that
 can be done to protect the environment
 without costing a lot of money. However, we
 cannot seriously address our environmental
 crisis unless we are also prepared to address
 the need for major new resources. Hence
 the Importance I have given to means for
 finding such resources.
   As a planet we face a threat to our surviv-
   al comparable to the threat a foreign enemy


 can pose to national survival. New ideas and
 cost-free measures have their place. There
 is, however, no substitute for cold, hard
 cash. Fortunately, the prospective peace
 dividend provides a source for such cash.
   This said, I would like to put in a word on
 behalf of several relatively low cost environ-
 mental Initiatives with which I personally
 have long been associated. On several occa-
 sions I have persuaded my Senate col-
 leagues to endorse resolutions containing
 draft treaty language. I am pleased to say
 that two of these efforts were, In fact, con-
 verted from Senate resolution into an actual
 treaty now In force. These are a treaty ban-
 ning tile emplacement of weapons of mass
 destruction on the seabed floor and a treaty
 banning the use of environmental modifica-
 tion techinques In warfare.
   In 1977 I put forward draft language for a
 third treaty, an international agreement
 mandating the preparation of an environ-
 mental impact assessment for all projects,
 public and private, that would impact on
 the territory of another state or on the
 global commons. My proposed Environmen-
 tal Impact Assessment Treaty would not
 prohibit a state from carrying out the activi-
 ty. It would, however, be required to make a
 detailed assessment of the impact of the ac-
 tivity and to communicate this information
 to the affected countries or, in the case of
 the global commons, to the United Nations
 Environment Program.
   This idea was endorsed unanimously by
 the U.S. Senate in 1078. Since then it has
 been on the agenda of the UNEP Governing
 Council and, as principles to be followed by
 member states, has received the endorse-
 ment of that Governing Council. Further,
 UNEP's international law unit has made
 substantial progress toward drafting a
 treaty. I realize many European agreements
 go far beyond this treaty. However, where
 no such agreements are in place, I believe
 this  Environmental Impact Assessment
 Treaty represents an important step toward
 greater environmental responsibility.
   Second, I would urge we move forward
 quickly with proposals to draft and enact an
 International convention to protect biologi-
 cal diversity. This, too, is an issue of person-
 al concern and I am proud to be the author
 of a provision of U.S. law establishing a pro-
 gram, under the auspices of our Agency for
 International Development, to assist coun-
 tries in the protection of biological diversi-
 ty. With the rate of extinctions rapidly ac-
 celerating there can be no doubt of the seri-
 ousness of the problem. Here in the pres-
 ence of so many spiritual leaders I can only
 wonder how the divine must view the de-
 struction of so many of His creations. And I
 wonder what He must think of the cavalier
 manner In which these extinctions are being
 carried out-elephants and rhinos destroyed
 for ivory trinkets and aphrodisiac powder,
 or perhaps worse, entire species obliterated
 without man even knowing what was once
 there.
   A treaty to conserve biological diversity
 should include provisions under which coun-
 tries would register species-rich habitats,
 and in particular, the habitats of endan-
 gered species. Registration of the habitat
 would include an obligation to protect the
 habitat, and the species contained therein.
 In my view, a treaty should spell out mini-
 mum standards for habitat and species pro-
 tection. In return for protecting these habi-
 tats, the registering countries should receive
 technical assistance for their protective ac-
 tivities and perhaps a priority for other
 kinds of assistance Intended to encourage

 


 January 23, 1990                  CO
 local peoples to value the preserved life re-
 sources.
   Finally, I would note that the last 15
   years has seen an enormous explosion in the
 number and scope of international legal
 agreements relating to the environment.
 The development of international environ-
 mental law is a low cost and highly benefi-
 cial way of protecting global environment
 and of enhancing global environmental co-
 operation. This Is a trend we must encour-
 age. I would hope that UNEP's environmen-
 tal law unit might become the nucleus of a
 new International environmental law insti-
 tute. Such an institute should draw on the
 resources of UNEP members, and In particu-
 lar those with more developed domestic en-
 vironmental law. I would hope these states
 might secund lawyers to the international
 environmental law institute both for the
 purpose of developing further international
 environmental law and to assist countries in
 the development of domestic environmental
 law.
   Twenty-five years ago, in his last speech
 to the United Nations, U.S. Ambassador
 Adlai Stevenson made reference to the pho-
 tographs of Earth taken from an early space
 mission. Today these images have become
 commonplace but at that time they were
 strikingly new and they led Ambassador
 Stevenson to reflect on the fragility of our
 human environment.
   "We travel together," he said, "passengers
 on a little space ship, dependent on its vul-
 nerable reserves of air and soil, all commit-
 ted for our safety to its security and peace;
 preserved from annihilation only by the
 care, the work, and I will say, the love we
 give our fragile craft."
   The rapid political changes of the last
 year now provide an extraordinary opportu-
 nity-an  opportunity for unprecedented
 global cooperation and an opportunity to
 mobilize significant new resources-to the
 task of protecting our fragile craft. We must
 go forward from here reaffirming our love
 for this planet and rededicating ourselves to
 its protection.
   Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, I
 would like now to yield to my distin-
 guished friend and colleague, the Re-
 publican leader and to say that it is as
 always a pleasure to be here on the
 Senate floor with the distinguished
 Republican leader. I look forward to
 what I know will be a busy and I hope
 will also be a very productive session
 for the Senate and the Nation.
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