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kissinger also covers a wide range of topics. his description of the struggle between the united states and the ussr after world war ii is a critical chapter in u.s. foreign policy. he describes how the united states resolved its rivalries with other great powers, and how this led to the development of new strategies to deal with the ussr. the chapter on china describes the rise of china, its relationship with the ussr and the united states, the chinese-american balance of power, and the future of their relationship. the section on the united states begins by laying out the geopolitical situation of the time, then outlines u. strategy for dealing with it, and finally evaluates the various options. the book begins with a brief but important chapter on china that lays out the basics of the countrys recent history as well as the leadership succession process. the book offers good perspectives on china, comparable to some of zbigniew brzezinski work on russia. but kissingers analysis is more level headed and sober. after describing the major events of the past century in asia and the united states, kissinger describes china in terms of its history, culture, economy, government, and politics. he describes the great achievements of mao zedong and his successors to this day and examines the relationship between china and its neighbors over the years. he also looks at the possible outcomes for china in a global sense. these topics are then followed by a critical chapter on the critical relationship with the united states. in a world that has become very far from homogenous, the united states has also become an anomaly. one key reason why kissinger takes his initial interest in china is that he cannot find a single precedent in history for what the united states is doing, and chinas response to its most recent humiliation, the invasion of iraq, is illustrative. in an attempt to shape the rest of the world to our liking, we have been either trying to impose our way of doing things on other countries, as during the cold war, or totally failing to set any standards. the emerging china offers washington the prospect of two things: learning how to adjust to a multipolar world, and joining a community of global states that set universal standards. in that way, for the first time in american history we might find a constructive use for our moral authority. 6a6f617c0c